Friday. February 7, lib?

SCARLET AND BLACK

Page Five

 

SDS Where Are You?

Despite Julia and David Eisenhowers'
warning that rejection of the establish-
ment and a search for une's own values
will lead to unhappiness, (from an eyeop—
ﬁning interview with these two already-

rsying-actheremples marrieds in This

eek magazine), Grinnell’s loudest dis-
Ienting voice has decided to clear its
throat and raise its cry once again,

Two of the most important questions
lacing SDS, (part of that “small minori-
ty that gives a bad picture of the 0th
ors”). are who will be the leaders and
who will want to follow to the degree
of making posters, stuffing boxes, typing,
making lists and telephoning. Most peo-
ple are unwilling to step in and make
the sacrifices of time and energy that
leadership demands.

There is also the problem or unifica-
lionl Some SDSers are sitting back and
luvoring their radicalism, (“and not do-
ing a damned thing," says Kit Leder,
well known radical), others are sebluding
themselves with their books and high in-
tensity lamps or personal ideological
Itruggles, but some are determinedly en-
thusiastic.

A number of people believe with Bruce
Nissen that SDS will lean toward the New
Working Class theory It is concerned

with the consumer orientation of society
and the pressure from the manufacturers
and the status competition that is Torc-
lng him to consumer The revolution would
be a rejection or this style Last semester
the pro—Peking Progressive Labor Party
concept was predominant. Its emphasis
is on the bourgois Proietariat class
struggle and organizing in the factories
Nissen feels that Marxist-humanist
thought will prevail over the Marxist-
Leninist line of last semester.

"The issues will be campus centered

. but related to national problems," specu-

lated Kit Lederl The effort to get
R.O.T.C. off campus will continue. Work
tn involve students in the forming of an
admissions policy and curriculum, and
the questioning of who is controlling
their education, how, and why, will be-
gin. Mike McElfresh hopes to start a
committee on racism and work on align-
lng students with workers. He feels that
the youth culture, New Working Class
and Yippiesl are a had trend.

Probably the most significant change
in SDS will be its attempt to be more
concerned with and responsive to what
all students are thinking about and less
concerned with SDS dogmatism and revo«
lutionary rhetoric

 

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Horton Reviews McCarthy

By RAY HORTON
Instructor in Political Science

To onlticize Senator Eugene McCarthy
during last year’s Presidential cal-n~
paign was difficult. Those who did dis-
covered that the dichotomy between Mo-
Carhhy and the very real demons against
whom he fought provided him an image
that both shielded and ennobled him.
Analysis or the man today may be
more fruitful (and neither moot nor
purely historical if his recent statement
oi “mntinued interest” in the 1972 nomi-
nation is accurate).

Part of the popular fascination with
McCarthy stems from the feeling that
he is unfathomable, lntellemuals in
America are particularly fond or this
trait in their politicians. McCarthy seems
a man shot through with paradox. He is
capable of being both eloquent and ob—
scure, homespun and arrogant, intellec-
tually committed and emotionally de.
tachedl He can speak of opening our
political institutions to the young, then
support Russell long over Ted Kennedy
for Democratic whip, He can invest him~
seli in a crusade to disengage us from
Vietnam, then turn over his influential
Foreign Relations assignment to a hawk.
He can argue for the moral and poli-
tical necessity of keeping blacks within
the system, then fall to campaign in
black neighborhoods. Throughout his re-
cent polltloal career the values and be-
havior for which many applaud him have
been followed by seemingly inexplicable
lapses. In these he seems to delight or,
at least, leave unexplained.

The argument here is not that politi-
cians can, must or should be consistent
over the long-run. In a pmfegion where
careers are long, maturation possible,
pressures and issues complex. consis»
tency may indicate only a simple mind.
Yet. it does seem important that at a

 

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given time in history people be able
develop some undersmnding of the basic
beliefs and dominant behavioral patteml
of those who oiler themselves to lead
the country. Obscurantism may he dis<
tinguishable from duplicity (as an act of
passion may be different from one or
premeditation), but the end result may
be the same. Wheuier or not Johnson
lied about Vietnam during the 1964 cam-
paign seems highly immaterial now.

Poets may object to the above as an
attempt to put down the sublime and
psychiatrists as an example ai amateur
psycho-analysis. aoth may be right.
Let me develop the argument a bit dif-
ferently by shining my concern imm
what I can't rind in McCarthy to what
I think i can.

First, he strike's me as a gentleman‘s
liberal" in whom lives as much Tory as
Whig. To criticize our Vietnam policy
took more courage than liberalism — to
criticize the Democratic Party took nei-
ther — to enter the fight with black.
takes both — to support oil men and
Russell Lﬂng shows neither. A gentle
liberal he is; the right kind (in my view)
he is not.

Then there is his emotional detach-
ment, which is closely related to thl
above To paraphrase Arthur Schlesing—
er, “reason without passion is sterile."
cur system is already weighted so heav-
ily to inertia that emotion and forceful-
ness are demanded from leaders who
talk of change. 1 sense in McCarthy that
the well or emotion would too quickly
run dry.

Third, McCarthy reflects the Progres-
slve tendency to abhor power in politics.
His views on the American Presidency.
it put into action, would reverse over a
half-century of history and once more
return national power to the conservative
halls of Congress More than ever Amer-
ica needs an aggressive Pmsldent who
will seek and use power, realizing that
the availability of his political resources
is directly related to his ability to efiect
change.

Finally, there is the problem oi con-
stituency support. For whatever reasons
(and i think the above suggests some),
McCarthy has drawn support irom a
somewhat narrow and somewhat sur-
prising series of groups e the young, the
intellectuals, the White middle and up-
per classes, the suburbanites. i would
argue that among them only the young
represent a truly progressive lorcc. The
real problem, though, is less the pre-
sence of certain support groups than the
absence of others, primarily blacks. Nix-
on may piove this wrong, but the ab-
sence of black support for our national
leaders (and a reciprocal enthusrasm)
seems potentially dangerous.

Let me close with a caveat and a sum-
mation. in my opinion McCarthy should
have been Time Magazine's Man Oi the
Year, for his courage and the decisive

role he appears to have played in easing
the Vietnam Situation. For this alone ha
has won a place in history. He was, but
clumsily, the right man at the right
place at the right time. However, Ameri-
ca’s problems run deeper than Vietnam
and our party structures They call for
more than familiar liberalism and an
underlying detachment from emotion and
the quest for political power.

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